The current Anglophone crisis in Cameroon is creating debates worldwide and German citizen Dr. Christoph Hans Messner who last week (january,28,2017)published an updated version of Ambazonia independence action plan for former British Cameroonians to be free has reacting too. In A MUST READ response to Prof. Alain Ndedi’s writeup titled the” POLITICAL MODERATION AND STABLE GOVERNANCE with the objective to diminish the drivers of future ethnic conflicts in Cameroon”,Christoph Messner who is involved in the German resistance against the wrong way of New World Order and has a strong interest in the fight for Ambazonia .
In a letter to former British Cameroonians of which alafnet.com obtained a copy, He responded amongst others, to Prof. Alain Ndedi that“Let’s build the independent nation of Ambazonia and the independent nation of Cameroun. Both can overhaul their constitutions so that they are free from foreign occupation and exploitation. Then they can both form a Confederation like brother and sister”.
First,This is what Prof. Alain Ndedi wrote;
POLITICAL MODERATION AND STABLE GOVERNANCE
with the objective to diminish the drivers of future ethnic conflicts in Cameroon
Objective 1: Competition for power and political grievances that spawn recent in Buea and Bamenda conflict are being addressed and channeled into conciliatory processes and participatory institutions with a level of continuing nation building agenda involvement and oversight that is sustainable.
Objective 2: Political institutions and participatory processes will function legitimately and effectively without international intervention to manage competition for power peacefully and mitigate incidents of political violence of extremists and regional based political parties.
A. Competition for Exclusive Power must be diminished
1) To what extent do political and union’s elites/leaders and identity groups perceive the political process in exclusive (i.e., “zero-sum”) terms?
1. Perception among identity group members that the management of power (e.g., by other identity groups) will eliminate the prospect of regaining power in the future.
2. Perception among identity group members that the management of power (e.g., by other identity groups) will threaten their economic status, viability, or livelihoods in the future.
3. Public rhetoric from political and unions elites/leaders asserting that their rivals have negotiated the reunification settlement in bad faith (i.e., that the settlement is a trick or that their rivals are manipulating the settlement to assert control over national resources without considering undertakings of both parties engaged in the Fumban gathering).
4. Number of assaults perpetrated by members of one of the current leading identity group against leaders of other identity groups.
5. Revisions to the constitution or equivalent document to permit continuation in power of the incumbent.
6. Revision of the electoral code to favor the incumbent.
2) To what extent are political and unions’ elites/leaders polarized on the basis of their identity?
1. Importance of identity group membership as a requirement for political and unions’ leadership.
2. Prominence of inflammatory and exclusionary rhetoric in the discourse of political and union’s elites/leaders.
B. Political Grievances Diminished
1) Are there unresolved political aims in Cameroon?
1. Assessment of the settlement to determine the extent to which issues that have instigated strikes remain unresolved or are treated ambiguously (e.g., resource-rich areas exclusively under effective government control, geographic flashpoints not under impartial management).
1) Are violent acts committed against striking groups on a systematic basis?
1. Number of incidents of political violence, to include extrajudicial resolutions, disappearances, vandalism, and “ethnic attacks” (by identity group).
2. Prosecution rates for incidents of political violence, to include extrajudicial resolutions, disappearances, “ethnic attacks” (by identity group).
2) Do state authorities or dominant groups engage in political exclusion, repression of dissent, or scape-goating on the basis of group identity?
2. Official disruption of public assemblies, marches or demonstrations organized by unions, strikers or opposition groups.
3. Prevalence of hate rhetoric and scapegoating in the discourse of dominant groups, (by identity group).
C. External Destabilization Diminished
1) Do perpetrators of political violence find sanctuary and support in neighboring or western states?
1. Perpetrators of political violence find sanctuary in neighboring or western countries.
2. Refusal of neighboring states to take measures to control the common or shared border.
2) Are other states or nonstate actors able to manipulate local political affairs?
1. Domestic political actors received political direction and/or resources from authorities or groups based in other states/regions.
2. Volume of inflammatory print and broadcast propaganda originating in other states that is disseminated domestically.
3. Actions by provocateurs from hostile states are not under control.
4. Level of support within Diaspora for the use of violence by warring factions/perpetrators of political violence to achieve political aims.
5. Level of support within external affinity groups for the use of violence by warring factions/perpetrators of political violence to achieve political ….
Christoph Messner‘s Response:
First of all, the main driver of ethnic conflict is the illegitimate dictator Biya and the foreign corporations who back up him and his robbing of all resources for the wallets of him and foreigners!
Second, when you propose a union with crooks & robbers it is like you recommend a raped woman to marry her rapist. Union is no value as such. Union can only be under preconditions.
Third, nation building is a good idea. Let’s build the independent nation of Ambazonia and the independent nation of Cameroun. Both can overhaul their constitutions so that they are free from foreign occupation and exploitation. Then they can both form a Confederation like brother and sister.
Fourth, if Biya’s occupation troops in Ambazonia continue to do genozide and if his henchmen in Yaounde continue to speak injustice against political prisoners then there is no legitimacy of any Cameroonian institution anywhere.
Fifth, competition for power between different parties is normal standard in democracies. Cameroon is no democracy and no republic, it is an autocratic pigsty. Everybody who had put public money into private pockets must be fired and dispossessed to the extent of the stolen amounts.
Sixth, what is an incumbent? In democracies we have citizens, electives and equal rights and responsibilities for everybody.
Seventh, the political grieviances start to diminish as soon as you start to support the strikers against occupation, marginalization, lawlessness, exploitation, dehumanization, ….
Eighth, don’t look at perpetrators of violence in neighbor countries first, when the biggest perpetrators of violence sit right next door in your home country.
Nineth, stop asking complicated questions when everybody around you knows the simple answers already.
Tenth, have the guts to speak out openly in the media against the Biya regime and all his cronies!
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